As Uruguay’s October presidential elections get closer, the candidates and their speeches are converging toward the political "center." Is this just a marketing trick, or does it represent the real death of the “left-right” political spectrum in this South American country?
Uruguayan politicians’ convergence to the center can be explained by a quick overview of the candidates. The candidates include an extreme left-wing senator, José Mujica, two centrist candidates Danilo Astori and Jorge Larrañaga and a traditional right-wing ex-president, Luis Alberto Lacalle.
In their campaign promises, no candidate wants to be misunderstood. But those who were recognized in the past for their left-wing politics now show their intentions to work with an “open market,” as if the Berlin Wall that upheld Communism had fallen yesterday.
For example, ex-economic minister and presidential hopeful Mr. Astori, who is listed as a “socialist,” thinks that the problem of poverty in Uruguay could be solved by offering more small business loans. “Mr. [Muhammad] Yunus used that kind of thinking for the economic development of his society,” the candidate said in a recent interview, referring to the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize winner, who is credited with inventing the concept of micro-lending for entrepreneurs ineligible for traditional bank loans.
At the same time, the conservative candidates in Uruguay now dare to talk about opportunities and social inclusion, which are classic left-wing topics. For instance, center-right candidate Mr. Larrañaga said in his last speech, “We have been thoughtless with the other Uruguay, the Uruguay who survives on 25 pesos (about $1) per day. While they are still jobless, we will still be the Third World.”
Latin America expert Mario Santos says that the changing speeches are highly customized for the shifting ideological context in Latin American politics. For him, the “center” phenomenon could be attractive because of popular distrust of old ideologies. According to Mr. Santos, the apparent new configuration of Latin America politics will impact not only the political environment, but the social, economic and cultural milieu of the region as well. “We need to wait for a few years to judge this ‘new wave,’” he said.
“Now, the left-wing candidates have very strong and open-minded arguments, as in Chile or, more recently, in El Salvador. Apparently Fidel Castro’s model is dead,” he said, emphasizing the perceptible triumph in those countries of a modern, less rigid form of socialism over the failed communist model.
A 2004 study of Uruguayan election processes done by researchers at the country’s public university reveals a considerable issue to review before making a conclusion about the “center” phenomenon. It states that only 8 percent of Uruguayan voters are viewing the current campaigns from an unbiased position. The other 92 percent had already decided on their candidate prior to the launch of the campaign season.
It seems, then, that the political campaigns in Uruguay are less relevant than the politicians think. In fact, the candidates’ platforms are typically less important than voters’ traditional party commitments, according to historical voting patterns. Uruguay is one of the first countries to have political parties in South America, and those parties have traditionally exerted strong influence in local politics.
The Uruguayan election scheduled for October is important for U.S. political leaders to understand the new configuration of Latin American governments and to form appropriate foreign policy. “In a difficult trade environment, it is important to have good relations with Latin America. Trade could be the alternative way to give the American economy some oxygen during the crisis,” said foreign policy specialist Ariel Segal, referring to the current global economic recession.
As President Barack Obama announced during his campaign, “We will have to understand the necessities of the region and try to put more effort into a respectful dialogue with Latin America.”
Such a dialogue will require an understanding of Uruguay’s socio-political history. The practice of classic ideologies in Latin America such as fascism or communism has been alternately praised and criticized by Uruguay’s electorate. Uruguayan public opinion fluctuated throughout the 1980s and ‘90s about the human rights abuses of Augusto Pinochet’s military dictatorship in Chile and Fidel Castro’s censorship in Cuba.
This year’s election scenario in Uruguay is equally as interesting and, at least for now, difficult to predict. Hopefully, whoever becomes president will choose the best and dismiss the worst of both “left” and “right” dogmas, rejecting traditional labels and pioneering a new style of government for Uruguay.